Beliefs That Block Equity
Abstract
We present an excerpt from Nancy Love's upcoming book "Using Data - Getting Results: Collaborative Inquiry for School-Based Mathematics and Science Reform" This book presents school-based teams with a straightforward approach to using data as a tool for improving mathematics and science education. The section we have chosen, "Beliefs that Block Equity" is from the chapter "Overcoming Obstacles to Equity."Beliefs That Block Equity |
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(Patricia Carini, former Director, Prospect Archive and Center for Education and Research, North Bennington, Vermont) |
Why, despite overwhelming evidence that tracking does
not work, does it prevail? Why do gaps in mathematics and science
achievement between rich and poor, minority and white, persist
despite decades of reform? Why do practices like cooperative
learning fail to catch on widely despite their well-documented
success for all students? The answer to these questions lies in deep-seated beliefs that perpetuate unequal opportunities and outcomes-beliefs that are incompatible with success for all. This section examines three sets of beliefs that are pervasive in our society and our schools, so pervasive that, like the air we breathe, we may not even be aware of them. They are not the beliefs we espouse or put in our mission statements. But, intentional or not, they shape the way we treat children. These include beliefs about the nature of intelligence and the purpose of schools, the abilities of poor, minority, and female students, and the nature of mathematics and science.
"There Are Only So Many 'Smarts' to Go Around"
Jeff Howard, a social psychologist and founder of the Efficacy
Institute in Lexington, Massachusetts gets
right to the point: "Our approach to educating children is failing
because the attitudes that underlie it are wrong" (1991, 1). He
describes these attitudes as the "innate ability paradigm," which
is based on three simple (and false!) assumptions: |
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(Denson 1990, as cited in Hilliard 1991, 34) |
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(Joy Wallace, Equity Specialist, Columbia Education Center, Portland Oregon) |
Anne Martin, a kindergarten teacher in Brookline, Massachusetts,
expressed her dismay and anger at the effect of testing on children
just entering school, many of whom are quickly identified as "at
risk" on highly dubious grounds:
These young children, often not yet five years old, were being sorted out and categorized with little allowance for the infinite variety of their learning styles and developmental patterns . . .If all this sorting helped so-called "slow" learners catch up, that would be one thing. But the opposite is true. Once a child is labeled as slow, teachers, counselors, and administrators start expecting less. Low expectations undermine confidence; lack of confidence undercuts performance; and the downward spiral of self-fulfilling prophecy begins. Any small gap in performance that may have existed initially tends to grow over the years, despite special services students may receive (Howard 1991). And, saddest of all, the children themselves come to believe the labels.
"All Kids Can Learn Except . . .":
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| "During a science lesson, a primary school
teacher asked students to brainstorm what they knew
about eggs as she held up a sample. Some students
offered characteristics such as 'oval,' 'white,' and 'gooey on the inside' and were praised for
their answers. A latina student offered an example
of a time she had cooked eggs with her grandmother.
Her answer ws ignored, considered irrelevant by the
teacher." (Presenter, Institute on Cultural and Lingistic Diversity, 1997)
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| "A fourth grade teacher stood in shock when
she learned that an African-American student who
was failing mathematics was single-handedly
managing the family budget. 'How could I have
overlooked her obvious strengths in mathematics?'
" (Panelist, Institute on Cultural and Linguistic Diversity, 1997)
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(Tatum 1997, 5)
One of the most pernicious forms of institutional racism, classism, and sexism is the way in which children are sorted in schools by their supposed "intelligence." Society's image of the "very smart" student is one with white, middle-class behaviors and values. If students don't fit that image, if they are culturally different, they are judged to be less intelligent. "There is a rumor of inferiority that follows minority children to school," says Jeff Howard (1991, 6-7). Students who have not yet mastered English are also judged less capable, especially when it comes to mathematics and science. Girls are considered to be not as smart as boys in these subjects, and the poor are judged to be inferior by almost any measure to the rich. "Children from middle class homes tend to do better in school than those from non-middle class homes because the culture of school is based on the culture of the upper and middle classes of those in power," explains Lisa Delpit (1995, 25). For Delpit, the culture of power consists of ways of talking, writing, dressing, and interacting; success is based on learning the rules and codes of the dominant society. She advocates explicitly teaching students these rules and codes, acknowledging the power relationships that exist, while encouraging students to express their own culture and language style.
Cultural differences emerge in subtle ways in the classroom. For instance, students from different cultures have different styles of recounting events, writing, and arguing, all important activities in mathematics and science classrooms. Without understanding these differences, teachers may judge certain students as having nothing to contribute, missing important steps in a procedure, or being disorganized (Estrin 1993).
(Wellman 1977, as cited in Tatum 1997, 7)
The second example, about the fourth-grader who managed the family budget, illustrates another way racism blinds us to students' strengths. Many poor and minority students are successfully running households and businesses at very young ages. Outside school, they use mathematics, verbal, reasoning, and management skills on a daily basis. They are, as Connecticut equity activist Mj Terry remarked ironically, "only dumb in school."
Mathematics and Science:
The Special Realm of the "Very Smart"
| "'What do you think you are not smart enough
to do?' Jeff Howard asked a group of Efficincy
Workshop participants seated around a giant
conference table. An uncomfortable silence took
over the room as participants realized that they
themselves, a group of adult educators, had been
victims of the innate ability paradigm. Some wept,
others spoke with anger as they recalled vividly
when and where it was - Mrs. Kraner's fourth grade,
geometry class, the guidance counselor's office -
that they learned they were not smart enough. For
virtually every African American and female
participant, the answer was higher-level
mathematics or science." (Participant, Efficiency Institute Workshop, 1986)
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A third set of beliefs comes into play specifically in relation to mathematics and science: that these subjects are the special realm of the "very smart." This is based on a view of science as a set of authoritative facts accessible only to experts. Those who do well in science tend to be students who can "talk. . . like science books do" (Lemke 1990, as cited in Warren and Rosebery 1993, 3). A similar view of mathematics is that it too is a static body of knowledge. If mathematics is viewed as memorizing formulas and giving quick responses to lots of questions that have right answers, then students who do that well are considered to be good at mathematics (Weissglass, interview, 1997).
These views of mathematics and science contrast sharply with those
put forward in the national standards. The standards advocate for
mathematics and science as dynamic pursuits involving asking
questions that may never be answered, making meaning, solving
problems, discussing ideas with peers, and using common sense. This
view is potentially more inclusive of diverse students (if other
barriers to equity are addressed), as the vignette below
illustrates.
| "I was working with a child who had
difficulty with computation. That was disturbing to
him and his family. Then we started to notice some
things. In almost any kind of discussion, he would
be a person who would state a point of view and
then argue it from another angle and subvert his
own statement. We looked at his writing. He wrote
about knights and warriors' adventures. In one
story, he wrote about how many heartbeats it took
them to get to the cave. That reminded us that he
was a good estimator. We began to put things
together about this child. He didn't trust
absolutes. He saw a more complicated picture-much
more mathematical than numerical. He saw
complicated relations and patterns, so we thought
it better to start from geometry, patterns,
approximation and not keep beating away at
computation. It is so important that we have a
larger picture of what math and science are. The
bigger the picture, the more children we can
include." (Patricia Carini, former Director, Prospect Archive and Center for Education and Research, North Bennington, Vermont)
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Right now our picture of mathematics and science, of schools, and
of human potential is still too small to include all children. The
belief systems described above-the innate ability paradigm; racism,
classism, and sexism; and elitist views of mathematics-continue to
have a strong hold on our schools, our policies, and our practices.
Making schools work for all children will require honest
examination of these belief systems and a concerted effort to
eradicate them in all of their manifestations.
Examining Belief Systems
Examining belief systems takes courage and conviction. It is a true
measure of our "will to educate all children," for it is only by
breaking the silence about racism, classism, and sexism that we can
begin to break their grip on our society and our schools. Because
beliefs are intangible, examining them is much more complex than
collecting and analyzing student learning data, although it may
begin there. How can teams begin to gain a better understanding of
these powerful, yet elusive, belief systems and how they influence
what we do? In this section we offer four questions to guide your
inquiry into beliefs, with suggested approaches and relevant
resources for each.
How Do Racial, Class, Cultural, and Gender Bias Manifest in School and Classroom Practices?
Although beliefs themselves are invisible, they nonetheless manifest in what we do and say. One window into beliefs is the more objective forms of data collection about student performance and school policies and practices discussed above. For example, gaps in student performance and opportunities to learn signal the prevalence of certain assumptions about students and their potential. As you look at practices such as tracking or course enrollment and counseling procedures, you can also ask yourself what beliefs drive these practices. As you evaluate special education or English language learners programs, consider the deeper assumptions that underlie them. Classroom practice offers another window into belief systems. Later in this chapter we discuss how to monitor unequal expectations and treatment in the classroom and how to scrutinize curriculum, instruction, and assessment practices for overt and subtle biases-two other avenues for exploring belief systems in practice.
(European-American teacher, as cited in Weissglass [1997], 122)
How Can Individuals Come to Grips with Prejudice and Its Effect on Their Lives?
Another whole avenue of investigation into beliefs is far more subjective and personal. It involves looking at our own beliefs and experiences and how prejudice and discrimination have affected us. "Although we may feel afraid," says Julian Weissglass, Director of the Equity in Mathematics Education Leadership Institute (EMELI), "avoiding the issues through denial or intellectualization will be harmful in the long run" (Weissglass [1997], 122).
Weissglass believes that addressing prejudice and discrimination
can be productive if it focuses on people telling their personal
stories, listening intently to each other, and avoiding blaming,
criticizing, and analyzing. In his work with mathematics educators,
he uses such structures as dyads ("the exchange of constructivist
listening between two people" [p. 45]), support groups, and
personal experience panels to facilitate constructive and deep
dialogue about equity issues. Guidelines for structuring this
dialogue are summarized in the box to the left.
| Principles for Dialogue about Prejudice and Discrimination | |
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experiences of people who have been
discriminated against.
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Using these principles, you can engage in productive
conversations about questions such as those
below.
| Exploring Prejudice and Discrimination: Questions to Consider |
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| What personal experiences have helped you
understand your own prejudices? What has helped you
understand better how inequity and discrimination
affect education?
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Who Are Our Students? How Can We Better Understand and Appreciate Their Cultural Backgrounds?
A third avenue for inquiry into belief systems is to learn more about your students and their cultural backgrounds. If you have not done this already, first collect and analyze straight demographic data about your school's student population. (See Data Tools, DT 3-2.) For many schools, like the one in the first example at the beginning of this chapter, having a realistic picture of who your students are can be a real eye-opener. Also gather information about demographic trends in your area so you can project what your student population might look like in the future.Once you know your school's demographics, the next challenge is to understand more about the culture of the children those numbers represent. What are their traditions and languages? How does their culture shape the way they make sense of the world and experience school? Inquiring into your students' cultures requires going much deeper than learning about food or music or dress. It involves, as Lisa Delpit puts it so eloquently,
(Williams and Newcombe 1994, 76)
. . . seeking out those whose perspectives may differ most, by learning to give their words complete attention, by understanding one's own power, even if that power stems merely from being in the majority, by being unafraid to raise questions about discrimination and voicelessness with people of color, and to listen, no, to hear what they say. (1995, 47)
By carefully listening to and observing students in a nonjudgmental way, teachers can learn a great deal about their students' cultural backgrounds, what knowledge and experience they bring to school, and how they learn best (see information about Descriptive Processes, page 5.37). Ewa Pytowska, Assistant Superintendent of Schools in Central Falls, Rhode Island, where 70 percent of students speak Spanish, uses children's literature from students' own cultures as a way to give voice to children and promote teachers' understanding:
| Resources for Learning about Students' Cultures | Connecting Cultures: A Guide to
Multicultural Literature for Children, by
Rebecca L. Thomas, 1996 Connections Across Cultures: Inviting Multiple Perspectives into Classrooms of Science, Technology, Math, and Engineering, by the Connections Across Cultures Project, 1997 Multicultural Literature for Children and Young Adults: Volume 2, 1991-1996, by Ginny Moore Kruse, Kathleen T. Horning, and Megan Schliesman, 1997 Multicultural Teaching: A Handbook of Activities, Information, and Resources, by Pamela L. Tiedt and Iris M. Tiedt, 1995
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Multicultural literature can turn teachers' negative perceptions of children into positive appreciation of their language, culture, and learning capacities. When I read children books which are familiar to them and congruent with their sense of the world, they know exactly what questions to ask, what to pay attention to, and what statements to make about the stories. This is true of all children, but especially those with limited formal schooling, just learning English, or placed in special education. When teachers see this happening with a child they perceive as a problem, they immediately begin to question themselves. Instead of saying "What is wrong with this child?" they ask "What's wrong with my teaching?" Multicultural literature helps teachers to see how much their children already know, but cannot share in a standard American classroom. (Interview, 1999)Other ways to deepen your understanding of your students' cultures are to talk to parents, visit their communities, and read about their cultures. You can also survey or interview students and parents to learn more about how they perceive themselves, their children's future, and their school (see "Listening to Student Voices: Measuring Aspirations" in Chapter 3). Taking the time to investigate your students' cultures can help bridge the gap between teachers and their increasingly diverse students.
How Can We Learn to Recognize Students' Strengths?
| A group of seven teachers from the Lawrence
School in Brookline, Massachusetts, squeezes around
a child-size table in a primary school classroom
after school one afternoon to do something they
have been doing on a monthly basis for years:
working together to better understand their
students' strengths. Today a kindergarten teacher
is presenting drawings done by Adam, a student
whose impulsive outbursts have been upsetting her
and the classroom. "These sessions give me hope,"
she explains. "I see things about the children I
never saw before. Then, instead of giving up on
them, I have an idea of how I can build on their
strengths." The meeting follows a set structure,
with a facilitator guiding participants through a
sequence of activities and carefully summarizing
after each. Most of the time is spent in a
go-round, where participants describe what they see
in Adam's drawings without judging, classifying, or
using clinical terms or labels-just their
impressions. "I'm struck by the fish." "I see a lot
of attention to what color is being used." Each
go-round probes a little deeper, revealing more
about the patterns, symmetry, use of color,
attention to detail, and variations in the child's
work.
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A fourth area of inquiry, closely related to understanding students' cultural backgrounds, is recognizing diverse students' strengths. The teachers in the vignette above are using a method called the "Prospect Center's Description of Work Process," one of three Descriptive Processes developed by the Prospect School in North Bennington, Vermont (see Data Tools, DT 2-6, and the Prospect Archive and Center for Education and Research in Resources, page 5.90). The Descriptive Processes provide a structure for teachers to come together to discuss their observations of students and their work in a descriptive rather than a judgmental way. Structured group processes such as these can help teachers discard cultural biases and discover students' strengths.
| Resources for Examining Belief Systems |
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| "Building on the Strengths of Urban
Learners," by Belinda Williams and Ellen Newcombe,
Educational Leadership 51(8) (1994):
75-78 "Do We Have the Will to Educate All Children?" by Asa Hilliard, Educational Leadership 49(1) (1991): 31-36 Other People's Children: Cultural Conflict in the Classroom, by Lisa Delpit, 1995 Ripples of Hope: Building Relationships for Educational Change, by Julian Weissglass, [1997] (see Equity in Mathematics Education Leadership Institute in Resources, page 5.88) The Efficacy Institute, Lexington, MA Empowering Multicultural Initiatives (EMI), Wayland, MA Equity in Mathematics Education Leadership Institute (EMELI), University of California, Santa Barbara, CA New England Desegregation Assistance Center for Equity in Education (DAC), Providence, RI The Prospect Archive and Center for Education and Research, North Bennington, VT |
Fully appreciating diverse students' strengths requires a shift from the innate ability paradigm to a new set of assumptions about learners and schools. Research for Better Schools in Philadelphia, in their framework for working with urban students, offers some guiding principles for building on the strengths of urban (and other underserved) learners:
- Urban students bring to schools cultural strengths and
learning experiences that must be reflected in
curriculum, instruction, and school routines.
- Culture plays a fundamental role in cognitive
development. While many of us were taught that
intelligence is genetically determined, unitary, and
fixed at birth, psychologists now argue that
intelligence is modifiable, multifaceted, and mediated
by the cultural environment.
- Motivation and effort are as important to learning
as are innate abilities. Urban students will benefit
from school environments in which they can learn from
their mistakes, are effortful in their learning, and
fully engage themselves (Bernal 1992 and Stevenson and
Stigler 1992, as cited in Williams and Newcombe
1994).
- Resilience is a characteristic of urban learners.
Despite adverse conditions, many urban children grow
into healthy, responsible, productive adults. These
"resilient" children display characteristics of social
competence, autonomy, problem solving, and a sense of
the future (Williams and Newcombe 1994, 76).
Inquiring into Students' Strengths:
Questions to Consider
- What are the strengths of our diverse students? Do we
recognize their resilience, social competence, autonomy,
and problem-solving abilities?
- How do our curriculum, instruction, and school routine
reflect the strengths of diverse students?
- To what extent do we believe that intelligence is not fixed
at birth, but changeable based on the cultural environment?
How would our school practices change if we fully embraced
this belief?
- How do we encourage students to learn from mistakes and
connect effort to achievement?
- What structures, such as the Tuning Protocol or the
Descriptive Review Process (see Data Tools, DT 2-5
and DT 2-6), for collegial reflection can we use to support
us in discarding cultural biases and recognizing students'
strengths?